تأثير صراع الهويات السياسية الفرعية في واقع التجربة السياسية الديمقراطية العراقية بعد عام 2003

The research has been tackled about the democratic political life which happened since 2003 and relied on the outputs of developing and strengthening the loyalties and affiliations for sub-identities that are still experiencing instability scenes at various levels, taking into account the model of self-sufficiency and within its sub-environment, and then disrupted it at the level of sub-social affiliations in the form of its constant preoccupation with rebuilding power instead of rebuilding the nation-state. As for the secondary outcomes emerging on this political scene, it was represented in the openness of all these social affiliations, whether old or new, within an unprecedented mobility that tends to rebuild an alternative structure of political and social systems alike. However , it was represented the model of symmetry in the identification of the three identities and their loyalties (the state, the party, and the personalization of power) within what was known as the production of a secondary sub-identity ,that was resembled the superiority of affiliation and loyalty to these triple concepts (the state, the party, and the authority), which hindered the production of a comprehensive national identity that represents Iraq and is expressed by powers the real political and social   participation in the emerging of democracy's political process. While using the ruling political class the logic of force to impose their unprecedented values ​​on the political scene in which made a comprehensive social environment based on a unilateral vision through attempts to impose itself, in order to be keep out from the cultural patterns of fragmentation inside of this environment that prevailed at some time according to the national, sectarian, ethnic and other considerations. It ultimately had been produced a comprehensive national partnerships for various parties and for the political and social forces too, then to be an indication of that trend moving towards away from the scenes of conflict and competition among affiliations and sub-social loyalties, that were prone to mutual exhaustion while depleting its strength at the same crisis period.
So that, we could limit that the reality of these political societies had become subject to imminent dramatic transformations that depended on their sub-identities, in spite of unable to continue on their own loyalty without the assistance from the rest identities from the other coherent components of society, owing to the problems that Iraqi society had been suffered greatly since 2003, and the accompanying exposure unprecedented for the plight of the American occupation and its outputs, which have produced a systematic destruction in all infrastructures, in addition to that, exposing the state institutions for another ordeal; because of starting the process of rebuilding the country again; without any attention to the legacy of the past period, which greatly affected upon its distinct sub-over for more than three decades prior to 2003. Furthermore, many several challenges were threatening the national, religious and sectarian sub-identities, it might inflicts to the fragmented, as happened in the internal war period which happened in 2006 , taking into account the introductions for that states as an external parties which had begun fed motivated by the sectarian and nationalist causes.
The research has concentrated on the role of political forces in different directions, especially towards weakening the national identity, as long as the ruling political class has become busy too much owing to sharing power according to its narrow partisan affiliations and loyalties, which has further fractured in their entire social identity, which was meaning that the Iraqi national identity did not spontaneously originate from the same individual but rather than exercised the state and its ideological elites to play a significant role in carrying out twice forced assimilation and combinations for all components of the Iraqi people, regardless of their ethnic, religious, sectarian, or other spectrums. So that, we were facing several identities that were to be closest to the scene of the conflict from the perspective of the small identities which represented by the some of his successors were happened major conflicts from another type of whose who had specific target to manage the social and political justice mechanisms according to the practice of the new democratic rule, and without mention to different attempts for creating the psychological barriers that would isolate the individual or group and even the system itself from the reality on the basis of belonging to the sub-identity, to start another solidarity loyalty within the sub-identities themselves were to be confined within the of structures and frameworks as such as the tribe, the sect, the nationalism and other sub-affiliations that would enhance an alternative identity at the expense of the mother's national identity. So the society was prepared for weakness and fragility from the inside and vice versa, as long as societies that witnessed a state of intense fear and anxiety from the new authoritarian phenomena that carry the ideology of the rising currents in order to regain or restore the power by different ruling political elites.
From the another hand, the process of strengthening the national identity at the expense of sub-identities remains one of the main tasks that must be worked on by overcoming the ordeal of the recent past, that produced harmonic and power-sharing in a different manner within the nurture of loyalties and sub-affiliations of identity since 2003, which ultimately created an unprecedented sharing of power that resembled the ambition of many national wills to intersect with the wills of the another actors of the same ruling political class, which was reflected over the whole nature of the political interaction that taking place in it, to be framed in the formation of governments by arising of several headings (the government of national unity, the government of partnership, the government of participation, etc.). However, there were new descriptions about what represented an urgent need for the Iraqi political scene, and between all of what happened, there was a real desire which driven by the popular mobility as taken place since 2011 , in order to extract the power model from the stereotypes of partisan and interest circles and narrow affiliations, which depended on the concept of secondary identities not the citizenship, up to the process of a socio-political environment to be compatible with the unity of society. From now here, we have found that the current popular pressure had been started to turn into successive waves of mass mobility until the last wave that started on the first and twenty-fifth of October 2019, taking into account the attempts of someone to use the feature of violence as a prominent tool in expressing the demands of society. But, the Iraqi situation in light of the internal and external conflicts that taken place in order to impose a unilateral vision on his reality, which began to reject this equation, and by which there were  different necessitates for relying on the political and social control tools ,to determine the dimensions of social community perceptions by imposing a specific context within the same  mechanisms of system, values ​​and traditions that aimed to exchange the roles of who had the endeavor to be directed towards achieving social cohesion in terms of empowering the national identity by rules of  the foundations of tolerance and acceptance with the other, because the latter has become one of the opportunities available to achieve internal solidarity that embraces all facts and events, leading to what is known as an internal harmony within the society, and otherwise means denying the peculiarities which didn’t not lead us towards to the social cohesion in comparing with all its identities. Finally, the issue of disseminating the concepts of peace, tolerance and solidarity with all of outcomes to reach into the obvious aim to be as the guarantor for achieving the demands for the social peace during the next period .

The research was divided into an introduction and a conclusions that distributed in three items for each of it had a specific topic with two scientific requirements of researching, the first concentrated on the applied dimension of the problem for sub-identities crisis, to analyze the problem of loss of balance within the hybrid social structure and the dominance of the unilateral authority with an understanding to the problem of complex societies and the crisis of sub-identities in Iraq. As for the second item, it examined the dimensions of the behavioral role of identity and the expansion of a culture of loyalty to the sub-identities, in order to know the current Iraqi democratic experience and the behavior of multiple identities; thus making a brief of the sequences for social changes and gradual transitions towards the rebuilding new political systems, while the third item tackled on the implications of the conflict of identities ranging from small and solidarity sub-identities through identifying the various instruments and the mechanisms to consolidate the diverse political community components for future generations, up to the enhancement of the outcomes of the national identity and the waves of the current popular demonstrations and protestations that happened ultimately  in October of 2019 .